Kanske i den spanska paellans. Vem har missat det? Men nog kapitulerade Tsipras? Torsdag, 20 augusti, This is a major development in Greek politics but also for the radical Left, in Greece and at an international level. This front is therefore the first tangible result of a recomposition within the Greek radical Left.
A recomposition that draws the lessons of the last five years and of course of the experience of Syriza in office and of the resulting catastrophe.
The second is that the goal of the front is to constitute the political expression of the No as was expressed both in the January elections and in the referendum of July 5. The main programmatic lines are the rupture with austerity and the memoranda, the rejection of all privatizations and the nationalization under social control of strategic sectors of the economy, starting with the banking system, the cancellation Fortsatt hog aktivitet inom extremhogern the major part of the Greek debt starting wit the immediate interruption of its and, more broadly a set of radical measures that will shift the balance of forces in favour of labour and of the popular classes and open up a path for the progressive reconstruction of the country, of its economy and of its institutions.
These goals cannot be realized without exiting the Eurozone as the recent disaster has abundantly demonstrated and without breaking with the whole set of policies institutionalized by the EU. The front will also struggle for
Fortsatt hog aktivitet inom extremhogern unitary internationalist struggle around common objectives at the European and international level and will support exiting NATO, breaking the existing agreements between Greece and Israel and radically opposing imperialist wars and interventions.
The third is that this new parliamentary group is now the third in terms of its size in the Greek Parliament, ahead of Golden Dawn, the neonazi party. This means that in the next few days its leader, Panagiotis Lafazanis, will get a mandate to constitute a government that will last for three days, as the Greek constitution stipulates. After the resignation of the Tsipras government this mandate is now in the hands of the second party in Parliament, New Democracy, the main rightwing opposition party.
This span of time will be used by Popular Unity to trigger a broad debate and the mobilization of all the social forces who wish to fight austerity and the Memoranda, the previous as well as the new one.
The programme of the party and the full range of its support among leading personalities of the Greek Left, which is expected to be quite impressive, will be released at the start of next week.
En mycket ung, arg Jeremy Corbyn…. The developments in Athens are dramatic and their pace is accelerating. Among them there will certainly be Zoe Kostantopoulou, the president of the Greek parliament who is currently waging a desperate fight for the ultra-minimal procedures of the parliamentary debate to be respected.
Her attitude has triggered a tremendous media attack which is now openly backed by members of the government and pro-government Syriza MPs. This is widely considered as the first public step towards the constitution of a new political front that will regroup a large range of forces of the radical Left opposing the new Memorandum and the neoliberal U-turn of the Syriza government.
The Memorandum will certainly be voted by a broad majority in Parliament, thanks to the support of the centre-right and rightwing parties. The main rationale for this unprecedented move is to prevent the emerging leftwing opposition to its policy to organize and also to be able to hold elections before the concrete impact of the new austerity measures starts biting.
In any case, these elections will be the first test for the new anti-austerity front that is crystallizing around the Left Platform. The next few days will be crucial. Aghios Nikolas Fokidas, August 13, Below the full text of the call signed by the leading figures of the 14 organizations of the Greek radical Left. The undersigned, representing a wide range of forces and organizations of the Left reject the new third memorandum submitted today to the Parliament and call for large unitary struggles to overturn all memoranda and impose a new progressive orientation for the country.
The signing of a new Memorandum by a government that was elected to abolish the previous two, amounts to a major disaster for the Greek people and democracy. The new Memorandum is a complete reversal of the mandate of the Greek people who rejected in the referendum of 5 July in their entirety the neoliberal policies of austerity and of neocolonial dependency.
Throughout the last five years the people opposed in every possible Fortsatt hog aktivitet inom extremhogern the fear and blackmailing and struggled for an independent, just, reconstructed, democratic and sovereign Greece. As was the case for the previous ones, this Memorandum needs to be met with the wider militant resistance of a cohesive and determined society. We will continue down the path of July 5 until the end, until the overthrow of the policies of the Memoranda, with an alternative plan for the next day, for democracy and social justice in Greece.
The fight against the new Memorandum begins now, with the mobilization of the people in every corner of the country. For this fight to develop and win, it is necessary to build up popular organization at all levels and in all Fortsatt hog aktivitet inom extremhogern areas. We call for the constitution of a broad political and social nationwide movement and for the creation to of committees of struggle against the new memorandum, against austerity and against the tutelage of the country.
This will be a unitary movement that will justify the aspirations of the people for democracy and social justice. The result of the early morning vote on the Memorandum was a slap in the face of Alexis Tsipras and his government.
Of course, the Memorandum was approved, thanks to the support of New Democracy, Pasok and Potami, with votes out of The speech of Alexis Tsipras was particularly defeatist and incoherent.
The result of the vote forced him to postpone the decision to call for snap elections. The newly invented manoeuvre will be to ask for a vote of confidence in Parliament, after August 20, to put in a difficult position the No camp within Syriza.
The widely shared impression is that Syriza is purely and simply disintegrating at record speed as a party. The Moloch of the Memoranda is devouring a new victim. En strategi som nu har rammats ordentligt. On July 17 the parliamentary faction of the Left Party rejected the latest austerity program being pushed on Greece, with fifty-three MPs voting against and two abstaining.
Granted, the February vote was a different one, incomparable in terms of the gravity of the decision being put to a vote. Unfortunately, Alexis Tsipras and the majority of Syriza MPs saw no way out of this blackmail, and accepted the austerity package.
This defeat represents an occasion to reflect, ask questions, and exercise some self-criticism. We must take this moment to rethink the central strategic premises that have guided our politics these past months, i. Doing so means rethinking our political strategy as a left party as a whole. As a party of the European Left, we are obligated to discuss this question with our comrades throughout the continent and in Greece in
Fortsatt hog aktivitet inom extremhogern. We cannot abandon them in this difficult situation.
It is of little use and counterproductive to denounce Syriza as traitors and declare their political demise. That is the job of our political opponents seeking to suffocate the political awakening happening in Greece. Equally as unhelpful, however, are knee-jerk reactions and blind, unquestioning loyalties. We should neither reject nor uncritically support everything the Syriza government has attempted to end the widespread and ongoing impoverishment of the Greek people.
We owe both ourselves and our Greek comrades an honest and solidaristic debate about both the strategic successes as well as mistakes of the past months, especially if we wish to continue to fight together against austerity in Europe and prepare ourselves for coming European struggles.
Since being elected, Alexis Tsipras was blackmailed by the rest of the European heads of state, to whom he ultimately capitulated.
He admitted as much to the Greek Parliament. His defeat is not a personal failure, nor is it due to some sort of egotistical drive to retain power on his part. Ultimately, this strategy gave the Greek government no choice but to submit to the diktat of Merkel and Schaeuble. We supported our Greek comrades in their strategy and had hoped that some sort of middle path could be found, but in retrospect we have to concede that no such middle path existed.
Former Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis recently published a telling account of the Eurogroup negotiations, in which "Fortsatt hog aktivitet inom extremhogern" reveals that the suggestions of the Greek side were never really even taken seriously — doing so, after all, would have entailed a serious discussion about alternatives to austerity and the possibility concessions from the Eurogroup.
This dynamic culminated in Varoufakis — Greek minister of finance and official representative of an EU member state — being ejected and excluded from the Eurogroup meeting. And thus it was that the supposedly fair European rules of the game were shattered on the rocks of a Europe under German leadership.
Not even the charismatic personalities of Tsipras and Varoufakis, nor extensive expertise and deep negotiating tactics, were enough to win real influence or shift the balance of forces within the European institutions even slightly.
Rather, the negotiations proved that the European institutions are unfavorable and adverse terrain for the Left, and that a strategy of offering concessions to the other side in hopes of salvaging at least a modicum of humane social policies will fail. Greece was to serve as an example for the rest of Europe. The message that the defeat is intended to send is this: That is the message that they want to use to demoralize the entire European left and stifle social protest across the continent.
This demoralization and disappointment can only be countered if the European left conducts an open and self-critical debate about the lessons to be drawn from the current defeat. Either way, the Left in Europe utterly failed to think through a Plan B in a serious manner. Not having a Plan B meant Syriza had only one option: Thus, the institutions could demand as much from the Greek government as they saw fit, because the only other possibility was the break which was to be avoided no matter what.
What, then, could our Plan B look like? This undertaking strikes us a difficult one that poses more questions than it offers answers. Though there are many important contributions on the issue of a Plan B, particularly from the Greek left itself, there has yet to exist a detailed scenario for a left-wing Grexit.
The relative attractiveness thereof is owed more than anything to the alternative to it: Remaining in the eurozone has forced the Syriza government — at least for now — to switch tracks from being a bitter enemy of austerity to the executive organ of the troika dictatorship in Greece.
A self-determined, left-wing Grexit is by no means a simple or an easy solution. The economic consequences thereof in particular remain highly controversial amongst left-wing economists and social scientists. At this point they appear to be more or less unpredictable. In the short term, a Grexit could mean a deepening of social fault lines, economic collapse, and further impoverishment of the Greek people. On the other hand, it could also mean opening up new spaces of political maneuvering and scopes of action: These options are at least worth exploring.
Such a move would of course mean taking on an almost incalculable political risk for the parties involved. It would entail a leap into the unknown, accompanied by the fear of being held politically responsible for missteps and unexpected consequences that may arise from it. Our Greek comrades have nevertheless already demonstrated their willingness to think boldly and take risks. His suggestions can be read as a first step towards a self-directed exit from the eurozone.
What Do the People Want? In the left debate around the Grexit, there is usually a political argument in addition to the economic: But is that really the case, or should we instead understand this moment as one of a contradictory dynamic within a scenario of polarized class conflict? The Greek media sought to project just such a mood and stylize the referendum in this way.
Panic and alarm about shuttered banks, images of long lines in front of nearly empty ATMs, a collapse of public life — the media established a doomsday scenario as the backdrop to the referendum Fortsatt hog aktivitet inom extremhogern Greece, which the Eurogroup in turn used as a threat.
The referendum thus seems to indicate that remaining in the eurozone unconditionally is not necessarily a goal shared by the majority of the population, but is rather a project of the ruling and propertied classes of Greece. The referendum also demonstrated how the brave actions of our comrades and the initiative to launch the referendum could lead to an enormous re-politicization of Greek society and renewal of the social movements.
Many felt this possibility when Gregor Gysi and representatives of the Blockupy coalition spoke in front of tens of thousands at the closing rally at Syntagma Square. Our comrades in the government had five months to convince a majority of the population of the utility of a Plan B.
Fem bilar var inblandade i en olycka på Stallbackabron i Trollhättan. - Krocken har Fortsatt ökad kemikalieanvändning mellan och I det grekiska valet segrade vänsterpartiet Syriza och dess karismatiska. mot den egna valutans framtid och struktur, skriver La Tribune och fortsätter: G2- mötet präglas varje år av intensiv aktivitet. någonting att göra med sig den organiserade extremhögern och då i synnerhet den fascistiska högern”.
Extremhögern som för tillfället är väl befäst i norra är inget mer Fortsatt hog aktivitet inom extremhogern det, på antiproletär aktivitet, särskilt mot de mest sårbara proletärerna, utlänningarna.
Tills dess Fortsatt hog aktivitet inom extremhogern det som Rosa Luxemburg skrev att förbli sant: . allvetande och oövervinnerligt avslöjades som sårbart på en högt symbolisk plats .